Written by Christopher Sharp

On Friday 5 November, researcher Douglas Dean Johnson broke the news that Senator Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) had proposed a major amendment to the Fiscal Year 2022 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA, H.R. 4350).

The amendment is significant and includes language which would require cooperation between the Unidentified Aerial Phenomena Task Force’s (UAPTF) replacement, the Department of Energy and Department of Homeland Security.

Under the amendment the UAPTF’s replacement would become a permanent UAP Office, known as the Anomaly, Surveillance and Resolution Office (ASRO).

Notably, if the amendment passes, ASRO would be provided with personnel, equipment and resources necessary to respond to ‘incidents or patterns of observations of unidentified aerial phenomena of which the Office becomes aware,’ as stated within the amendment.

In other words ASRO would become the UAPTF on steroids.

Will The Amendment Pass?

This is the first public move made by Senator Gillibrand on the topic of UAP. And it is no secret that Gillibrand is ambitious, having run for the Democratic Presidential Nomination in 2020. 

It is the Liberation Times’ opinion that the Gillibrand amendment has a very good chance of passing, for two reasons:

1-  UAP is a bipartisan topic - in fact, one could argue that Marco Rubio, the Senate Intelligence Committee’s Vice Chair, who represents an opposing party, has been the most outspoken regarding UAP so far

2-  One could not imagine a notable politician proposing such an amendment without behind-the-scenes support, especially when Gillibrand’s party controls that committee.

But that is strictly an opinion.

Mellon’s Influence

When a new UAP Office was first proposed through an initiative from Rep. Ruben Gallego, UAP transparency advocate and former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, Christopher Mellon, seemed to have been caught off guard, tweeting:

‘I’ve just returned from a long hiking trip abroad to find that the House Armed Services Committee is proposing a new UAP office within the Office of the Secretary of Defense.’

In that same tweet, he shared a new article (dated 7 October) in which he welcomed the initiative. However, Mellon was of the opinion that the Office should do much more than what Gallego had proposed. In response, Mellon identified six recommendations, which could help the Office make serious headway. 

One of the most glaring observations which stands out when reading Gillibrand’s amendment is the similarities it shares with recommendations publicly made by Mellon.

This at least suggests that Mellon’s influence may be behind the amendment and points to potential political engagement between Gillibrand (and perhaps other committee members) and Mellon.

So, let’s explore some of Mellon’s noteworthy recommendations, which seem to have appeared in Gillibrand’s amendment. Whilst doing so, we will be drawing on a variety of Mellon’s interviews and articles conducted throughout the previous 12 months, where he has also suggested recommendations.

By digesting what Mellon has said in his own words, one will be able to appreciate the magnitude of the Gillibrand amendment and why it is a hugely positive sign for UAP transparency.

A Permanent UAP Office Previously Recommended By Mellon

In an article published on his website (26 July 2021), Mellon called for the establishment of a permanent UAP Office, suggesting it be named the ‘Office of Strategic Anomaly Resolution’.

Perhaps coincidentally, the name for the UAP Office within Gillbrand’s amendment is almost identical to that suggested by Mellon.

The only difference? ‘Anomaly Surveillance and Resolution Office’ (ASRO) doesn’t include ‘strategic’, but does include ‘surveillance’, suggesting this is a continuous mission closely monitoring UAP activity, and not just a repository looking at older UAP cases.

The name itself is potentially significant. Mellon gave the following explanation for his proposed name, whilst citing it as an example of fresh thinking:

‘The issue is not purely one of airborne objects; it also involves unidentified underwater vehicles and unidentified vehicles in orbit or beyond. I therefore suggest framing the issue broadly to give the troops a place to send all manner of strange and unexpected phenomena that don’t readily fit in an existing job jar.’

Gillibrand’s amendment actually explicitly mentions the term transmedium, which would encompass craft that are capable of travelling underwater, within the atmosphere and beyond Earth’s orbit.

Adding to this, UAP is defined in the amendment as,‘observed to transition between space and the atmosphere, or between the atmosphere and bodies of water’.

We should note that the amendment includes a duty from ASRO to coordinate with both the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and NASA, therefore covering the oceans, atmosphere, Earth’s orbit and beyond - thereby reflecting the transmedium nature of UAP. 

This also begs the question, is the term UAP outdated, as it does not really reflect transmedium capabilities? UAP isn’t used in the proposed Office’s name and may signal a move away from the terminology and usher in the fresh thinking Mellon has called for.

Coordination with Department of Energy

In a podcast appearance on the Joe Rogan Experience, Mellon observed that the Department of Energy (DOE), “doesn’t seem to get much oversight, unlike the defense department and intelligence community.”

In actual fact, when asked by Rogan what he would do if he was President, Mellon said he would want to know all about the special programs within the DOE.

So Mellon may welcome the fact Gillibrand’s amendment includes a duty for ASRO to coordinate with the DOE, in addition to NASA, NOAA and Federal Aviation Authority (FAA), Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and perhaps other agencies. 

A connection between nuclear material and UAP has previously been speculated. Of course, one of the DOE’s responsibilities is to secure the nuclear weapons stockpile.

Coordination between ASRO and the DOE could potentially mean that we (the public) could (if unclassified) hear about new UAP incidents involving nuclear weapons. 

In actual fact, the amendment explicitly states that in consultation with the the National Nuclear Security Administration (a DOE agency), an annual report will be prepared for appropriate congressional committees, including incidents involving, ‘facilities or assets associated with production, transportation, or storage of nuclear weapons or components thereof.’

If such incidents are occurring and politicians have no access to that information at this moment, then this would definitely be cause for concern in Washington D.C.

The term nuclear comes up a lot in the amendment - including:

• Strategic nuclear weapons 

• Nuclear powered ships and submarines

• Nuclear power generating stations

This points to an extensive analysis of studying incidents between UAP and all U.S. nuclear assets.

If classified and unclassified versions of the report do include details of nuclear incidents, such as the deactivation of nuclear weapons, one could imagine that the UAP topic would be escalated within Washington D.C, maybe eclipsing other international issues, such as tensions with China. If by some chance, China is behind the rumoured UAP incidents involving nuclear assets, then it may lead us to the brink of war.

If the origin of UAP cannot be confirmed, one may suspect the next step would be to take defensive measures to protect all nuclear assets.

An alarming aspect of formulating defensive measures is the potential that UAP may reflect Non Human Intelligence, which may be thousands of years more advanced. Which begs the question, how would the U.S. protect itself in such circumstances, and how could politicians reassure the public if such information becomes known?

More Resourcing For A Permanent UAP Task Force

As earlier mentioned, ASRO could become the UAPTF on steroids, as the amendment (if passed) would mean access to more resources, which the UAPTF was starved of: if rumour is to be believed, this was a small task force, which lacked senior staff able to access the data required to provide a comprehensive assessment. 

In an article published on 7 October, Mellon identified resourcing as an issue, writing:

‘From even this brief assessment of next steps it should be clear that however well-intended, a small OSD UAP office lacking resources or authority is not the answer. Neither the UAP Task Force nor a small OSD office has the skill set and heft to effectively manage such a technically and bureaucratically complex undertaking. Indeed, a new OSD UAP office could have a pernicious effect if it led members of Congress to neglect the UAP issue afterward because they thought a small OSD office was sufficient to fix the UAP problem.’

This is key. And if passed, the new amendment may fix the issue of providing the appropriate resourcing and level authority needed. The amendment states:

‘The Director and the Secretary shall each, in coordination with each other, designate line organisations within the Department of Defence and the intelligence community that possess appropriate expertise, authorities, accesses, data, systems, platforms, and capabilities to rapidly respond to, and conduct field investigations of, incidents involving unidentified aerial phenomena under the direction of the Office.’

That language suggests resourcing would no longer be an issue. What we’re talking about here is harnessing staff who have the correct expertise, authority and access, meaning they would be senior ranking persons with the required security clearance to acquire the required information, be it from the United States Air Force or DOE.

An Office which includes staff with the appropriate expertise and access to data, systems and platforms is critical.

In Mellon’s October article, his first recommendation identified the need for sophisticated technical analysis of existing data, to identify the ‘telltale signatures associated with UAPs’.

The amendment may go further than what Mellon called for, stating:

‘The Director and the Secretary shall take such actions as may be necessary to ensure that the designated organization or organizations have available adequate personnel with requisite expertise, equipment, transportation and other resources necessary to respond rapidly to incidents or patterns of observation of unidentified aerial phenomena of which the Office becomes aware.’

No longer are the rumoured days of one person working on the UAPTF report in his spare time. The new ASRO would have teeth.

It appears that the intent of the amendment is for ASRO to have an abundance of resources and staff to successfully undertake its mission. That also means senior staff able to command respect and compliance to pry information from the hands of agencies that failed to cooperate with the UAPTF. 

One can also imagine that the equipment mentioned in the amendment would include sensor systems and artificial intelligence technology, which were identified as important in Mellon’s 7 October article.

And if any agency does not cooperate, ASRO has more teeth, as it would be mandatory to report non cooperation to Chairs and Vice Chairs of relevant congressional committees. And reasons must be given. One can imagine there may be consequences should there be no good excuse, potentially involving disciplinary measures.

Creation Of An Aerial And Transmedium Phenomena Advisory Committee

In his 7 October article, Mellon recommends establishing a group of scientists and other relevant experts to support the mission of a permanent office, writing:

‘DoD and the Intelligence Community should also welcome and encourage mainstream scientific interest in the UAP issue. The Galileo Project, a purely civilian effort to study UAPs led by the former Chairman of the Harvard astronomy department, is evidence of this recent transformation. The many scientists belonging to the Scientific Coalition for UAP Studies offer further proof of serious scientific interest in the UAP issue. In light of such interest, either Congress or the Executive Branch could establish a panel of cleared civilian engineers and scientists willing to advise and assist USG collection and analysis efforts. The panel could be formed under NASA auspices or those of DoD or the IC. Either way, there is ample precedent for such collaboration.’

This is the most obvious sign that Mellon’s influence may be felt within the Gillibrand amendment, as it proposes exactly what Mellon called for under the name of the ‘Aerial Transmedium Phenomena Advisory Committee’.

The amendment text explicitly states that this Committee would include members of the Scientific Coalition for UAP Studies, Galileo Project and NASA, which are all cited by Mellon in his recommendation.

The name of this proposed committee is also of interest, as it goes beyond UAP. If the term UAP were to be replaced, then perhaps Aerial and Transmedium Phenomena (ATP) could be a worthy replacement?

But Why Are Politicians Putting Their Reputations On The Line On A Topic Riddled With Stigma?

The average politician is cautious. No one wants to be labelled crazy, which can all too easily occur when becoming involved in the topic of UAP. 

On 5 November, Lue Elizondo, former Director of the Pentagon’s UFO Program (named AATIP), appeared as one of GQ Magazine’s Heroes of 2021. 

To mark the occasion, Elizondo gave an eye-opening interview. In the interview, he suggested pilots were suffering from radiation burns and lost time due to incidents involving UAP.

Furthermore, Elizondo described occasions where admirals and captains would urgently email him as their ships were swarmed by UAP, leading to personnel being evacuated below deck. Lue alarmingly described his despair, when promising that the cavalry would come, where in fact the cavalry never came.

If this is what Elizondo can say publicly, one wonders what information and data politicians have been exposed to.

One thing is for certain, senators may be sufficiently disturbed enough to be pursuing this issue with new urgency, and to the extent of creating a new UAP Office which has real teeth.